Outline Polly Toynbee’s experiences with the British class system in her childhood.

Examine how Toynbee conveys her attitude towards the class system. Refer to the use of language and its effect.

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Polly Toynbee, who grew up in a middle-class family, often spent time playing with her friend Maureen, who came from a working-class background. Although they enjoyed each other’s company, Polly was never invited into Maureen’s home.
One day, during a game, Maureen’s mother accused Polly of making her daughter serve her and sent her away.
Later, at her boarding school, Polly noticed that a complex hierarchy existed among the pupils, even though their families seemed to have similar economic means.
The students were separated into two different academic paths, and these divisions often reflected their parents’ social and professional backgrounds. Polly was placed on the path associated with higher social status, which reinforced the position she had inherited from her family.

Polly Toynbee depicts the British class system as unfair, arbitrary, and pervasive, influencing people’s lives from an early age. She conveys this view through emotive language, recalling “the childhood shame at class embarrassments” (l. 11) to express the humiliation linked to class awareness, and calling it the “devilry of English class” (l. 46) to underline her belief in its harmful nature. Vivid imagery strengthens her criticism: the simile “swells up like a bubo on the nose” (ll. 9f.) compares the visibility of privilege to a grotesque swelling, while metaphors such as “Children know. They breathe it in early” (l. 1) and “Tiny hands are steeped young in the essence of class and caste” (l. 5) suggest that class consciousness is absorbed naturally and ingrained from childhood. Later, “social status trumps cakes” (l. 73) encapsulates the idea that maintaining social standing outweighs personal enjoyment.

She also uses cultural allusion, as in “they see the Harry Potter sorting hat at work” (l. 6), to make the process of early social categorisation accessible through a familiar image. Enumeration highlights visible class markers, with “wrong uniform, cheap trainers, no lunch box, no lunch money, no PE kit” (ll. 51f.) showing how poverty is instantly recognisable, while the metaphorical description of “daughters of doctors, academics, scientists […] glided effortlessly up to the A stream” (ll. 58–61) illustrates how background predetermines opportunity.

Juxtaposition sharpens these contrasts: “below-stairs people and the family upstairs” (l. 2) recalls traditional servant–master divisions, and the contrast between Maureen’s “ever-open front door” (l. 17) and Polly “never asked […] in” (l. 18) reflects the persistence of social barriers even in friendships. Finally, her hyperbolic statement that “there can barely be a schoolroom” (l. 49) where children are unaware of class distinctions reinforces the message that such awareness is almost universal.

The statement “Perception is the innocence of a child, seeing the surface of things; understanding is the journey that reveals what lies beneath” draws a clear line between the way we initially experience the world and the deeper comprehension that develops over time. Perception can be spontaneous, unfiltered, and often naive. As a child, Polly Toynbee observed social differences at her school and played freely with Maureen, a friend from a working-class family, crossing class boundaries without hesitation. Similarly, in Atonement, young Briony Tallis’s early story writing reflects her imaginative, unshaped view of the world. Such perception can also offer a seemingly unbiased perspective, as neither Toynbee nor Briony initially saw their interactions as socially inappropriate.

However, perception can be deceptive. Toynbee, as a child, did not fully understand why Maureen’s mother reacted angrily when she thought Maureen was “serving” her, just as Briony misinterpreted the fountain and library scenes between Cecilia and Robbie. In Briony’s case, these false conclusions had tragic consequences, as her accusations led to Robbie’s wrongful conviction and lasting damage to several lives.

Deeper understanding often comes with age, learning, and reflection. As an adult, Toynbee recognises the tension between acknowledging her privilege and the reality that class distinctions remain unavoidable. She also realises that wealth alone does not define social standing, noting the importance of family background and education. Likewise, Briony’s work as a nurse forces her to confront her earlier naivety, see the harm she caused, and develop empathy for others.

Maturity can transform initial impressions into reflective insights. Toynbee reframes the incident with Maureen’s mother, recognising it as part of a larger pattern in which her life was always cushioned by privilege. Briony eventually understands the truth about Paul Marshall’s guilt and Robbie’s innocence, replacing her earlier certainty with a painful awareness of her mistakes. Such understanding can lead to disillusionment — Toynbee’s awareness that class divisions are so deeply embedded that even children absorb them — but it can also bring a sense of responsibility. Briony chooses to write her novel as an attempt at atonement, showing how deeper understanding can inspire moral action.

In both Toynbee’s memoir and Atonement, the journey from perception to understanding reveals how initial innocence is replaced by complexity, self-awareness, and, in some cases, regret. While perception allows us to experience the world openly, understanding uncovers the truths that shape it — truths that can be unsettling but ultimately lead to personal growth.

To what extent does social background influence educational success?

The question of whether educational success depends more on personal effort or on social background is complex. While individual traits such as intelligence, determination, and perseverance certainly matter, there is strong evidence that a person’s social background plays a decisive role in shaping their opportunities.

Family involvement is one of the most important factors. Parents and relatives often act as role models, and their attitudes towards education can strongly influence children’s ambitions. Families with sufficient time resources can provide help with homework or encourage participation in extracurricular activities. In some cases, there is also a family tradition of academic achievement, which sets clear expectations for the next generation.

Wealth is another key element. Students from affluent backgrounds usually have better access to high-quality schools, private tutoring, and a wide range of cultural and academic activities. They may also attend schools in well-funded districts, where facilities, teacher quality, and learning materials are generally superior. By contrast, students from less wealthy families often face overcrowded classrooms, outdated equipment, and fewer learning opportunities.

Social networks also matter. Well-connected families can use their contacts to secure internships, mentoring, or job placements for their children. This kind of advantage is less accessible to students without such connections. Peer influence is equally significant: a supportive group can encourage ambition, while negative peer pressure can limit motivation.

However, social background is not the only factor. Individual qualities such as perseverance, curiosity, and self-confidence can help students overcome disadvantages. Educational policies, for example financial aid programmes or affirmative action, can reduce inequality by giving disadvantaged students access to resources and opportunities. In addition, cultural norms and expectations, such as those related to gender roles, can influence how much value is placed on education.

In conclusion, educational success results from a combination of factors, but social background creates the framework within which individual traits operate. While personal determination can help bridge gaps, the starting position provided by one’s family, wealth, and networks often shapes the scope of what is possible. This means that both individual effort and systemic measures are needed to ensure that educational success is not determined by birth.